As a retired Air Force colonel who spent decades staring down tyrants, I’ve learned one hard truth: freedom isn’t won by wishful thinking or symbolic gestures alone. It takes boots on the ground, organization, courage under fire, and a clear plan for the day after victory. Right now, in early 2026, the Iranian people are once again in the streets, defying the murderous mullahs in what feels like the regime’s final death throes. The question every patriot should be asking is simple: which resistance group has the real capability to sustain and amplify these protests inside Iran itself?

The answer, if we’re being honest, is the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (MEK) and its political umbrella, the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI).

Look, I’m not here to sugarcoat or play favorites. I’ve followed this fight closely for years. The MEK has something no other opposition group can match: a structured, disciplined network of Resistance Units operating inside Iran right now. These aren’t armchair exiles posting memes from Paris or Los Angeles. These are brave Iranians—men and women risking execution—who organize flash protests, paint anti-regime slogans on walls, distribute leaflets, set fire to regime symbols, and coordinate acts of defiance even under the current wave of nationwide uprisings. They’ve done this for years, through the 2022 Woman, Life, Freedom revolt and into the renewed explosions of 2025-2026.

The MEK’s internal network is the backbone of organized resistance on Iranian soil. They have a clear chain of command that reaches from the exile leadership to cells inside the country. They’ve pulled off sophisticated intelligence operations in the past, exposing nuclear sites and regime atrocities to the world. When the regime cracks down, it’s the MEK’s channels that keep information flowing out and encouragement flowing in. In short, when it comes to sustaining and escalating protests on the ground, the MEK is in a league of its own.

They also have a political vision that’s concrete, not vague. Maryam Rajavi’s Ten-Point Plan lays out a future democratic, secular, non-nuclear Iran with gender equality, minority rights, and separation of religion and state. More importantly, the NCRI has published a detailed transition roadmap: a provisional government lasting roughly six months to stabilize the country, hold free elections under UN supervision, and then transfer power to a constituent assembly. That’s not just rhetoric—that’s a playbook ready for the day the regime collapses.

Now let’s talk about Reza Pahlavi. As the son of the last Shah, he carries historic weight and commands genuine affection among many Iranians who remember a freer Persia. He’s worked to position himself as a unifying voice in exile, calling for a secular democracy and refusing to restore the monarchy without a referendum.

But when it comes to supporting protests inside Iran today, his infrastructure is limited. There are no known underground networks or resistance units answering to Pahlavi within the country. His strength lies elsewhere—particularly in detailed post-regime planning. Through initiatives like the Iran Prosperity Project, his team has produced serious blueprints for economic recovery, infrastructure rebuilding, and stability in the chaotic first months after collapse. Their emergency-phase plans for the first 180 days cover everything from securing oil facilities to restarting the economy and preventing looting or factional warfare. That kind of technocratic foresight is invaluable for what comes after victory.

So, here’s the bottom line: if the metric is raw capability to fuel and organize the ongoing protests inside Iran, the MEK/NCRI wins hands down. They have the grassroots muscle, the on-the-ground presence, and the operational experience. Reza Pahlavi brings symbolic legitimacy, international connections, and superior economic planning for reconstruction.

The regime is weaker than it’s been in decades. Inflation is crushing ordinary Iranians, the Revolutionary Guards are stretched thin, and the supreme leader’s succession crisis looms. The protesters are doing the heavy lifting with their blood and courage. But without coordinated opposition leadership, the movement risks fizzling out or descending into chaos if the regime suddenly falls.

That’s why I’ve been saying for months—publicly and repeatedly—that Maryam Rajavi and Reza Pahlavi must put aside differences and work together. The Iranian people don’t have time for ego or ideological purity tests. Maryam Rajavi has the organized army inside the country; Reza Pahlavi has the stature and detailed vision for the aftermath if he renounces monarchy completely. Combined, they could form a unified front that gives the protesters what they desperately need: visible leadership, a shared transition plan, and the confidence that victory won’t lead to new tyranny.

Imagine a joint declaration: the MEK’s internal networks coordinating maximum pressure on the streets while Pahlavi’s team rallies global support and prepares the economic lifeline. A provisional coalition government that includes both camps, committed to rapid free elections and power transfer. That’s the formula that could turn these uprisings into outright revolution.

To my fellow Americans reading this: Iran’s freedom is our security. A democratic Iran means no more funding of Hamas, Hezbollah, or Houthis. No more chants of “Death to America” backed by billions in oil money. We’ve spent blood and treasure containing this regime for forty-five years. Supporting a unified Iranian opposition costs pennies by comparison and offers the real shot at ending the threat we’ve been living with since I was a 17 year old Airman.

The Iranian people are ready. They’ve shown it again and again. Now it’s time for the opposition leaders to show they’re ready too. Maryam Rajavi, Reza Pahlavi—history is watching. The protesters in Tehran, Isfahan, and Mashhad are counting on you. Unite, lead, and help the Iranian people retake their country.

Because divided, the resistance delays victory. United, it becomes unstoppable.